Nase Novine, May 17, 1978

              Or Vojislav Mi6ovi6 il © ® ® и ® ® ®
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ILi: бТА JE DOBRICACOSlC PRE&JTAO U SRPSKOJ AKA-DEMI- JI
NAUKA, KAKO Bl "DOKAZAO" DA JE SRPSKI
NAROD BIO VARAN I PREVAREN U SVIM RATOVIMA, PA I
U POSLEDNJEM U KOME JE IZVEO NARODNOOSLOBODI-LACK- U
I SOCIJALNU REVOLUCIJU
RevolucIJa je ISdupala korene vellkosrp-sko- g
nacionalizma, all Zilice tog drustve-no-g
korova, zaostale u glavama pojedlnaca
pokuSavaJu da puste izdanke u njihovlm
naclonalistiSkim besedama, pesmama i
ponasanjima. Zloupotrebljavajuli slobodu
mlsll, govorai stvaralastva, pojedinci se, s
vremena na vreme, javno oglasavaju Ideja-m- a
i tezama koje predstavljaju Idejni
konglomerat ultralevog radikalizma, malo-gradansk- og
liberallzma, pa i agreslvnog
kontrarevolucionarnog nacionalizma. Tak-v- e
teze, dakako.nlsu nove — susretali smo
ih i susrecemo u raznlm periodlma I varl-jantam- a,
od pre dve, pet i deset godlna, a
svoja idejna Izvorista i корбе imaju sa
nacionallzmom predratnih godlna i onim
koji je u ratu sejao mr2nju i razdor modu
narodima.
Vellkosrpsklm naclonallstima je trnu
oku socijalistiCkl samoupravno opredelje-n- a
Srbija, pa je uporno opomlnju da se
"prene", da se ne aurva "na dno beznada".
Za njih je vaino biti Srbln, saCuvatl sve sto
jejsrpsko, makar se to protivilo clljevima i
idealima srpskog naroda I radn!6ke klase
Srbije. U tome i jeste kontrarevoluclonarna
sadrilna naclonallsti6ke vellkosrpske poll-tld- ke
platforme. Onl bi Svetozara Markovl-caanatemis- all
zbog re6l koje je Izrekao jos
pre jednog veka: "Samo ono srpsko treba
da se odr2l Sto je dobro, a Sto je lose treba
ga baciti pa, ma sto puta bilo srpsko".
Stare teze
Medu onima koji se u poslednje vreme
пагобИо mnogo "brinu" 0 srpstvu iz svojlh
(naclonallstteklh i polltlkantsklh) razloga,
nasao se, mada ne prvl put, visokotirainl
roman8ljer Dobrlca Cosic.
Nasa javnost je nedavno Imala prillke da
pbnesto бије 0 njegovoj "besedi" na trlbinl
u Srpskoj akademlji nauka i umetnosti.
lako sa Izvesnim zakaSnjenjem, do ruku
nam je dosla ova "beseda", pa smo u
mogu6nosti da javno kazemo Sta mlsllmo
0 javno Izre6enlm tezama Dobrlce Cosida.
Cosl6 je, nalme, pre nekollko mesecl,
prillkom uoblfiajene promoclje za akademi-k- a,
imao "pristupnu besedu" na temu
"KnJIzevnost i istorija danas". Ova "bese-da"
ne bl blla predmet naSe paZnje da je
ostala u okvlrlma razmiSljanja jednog lite-rate
0 knjlzevnostl i knjizevnom stvaralas-tv- u,
Ali Coslc je u svoj mlsaoni kontekst
utkao i svoja Idejna i polltifika gledlSta I o
nizu neliterarnlh problema.
Cosiceve teze ne samo da nlsu nove, vec
8U u parafrazi ill preplsu uzete Iz arsenala
njegovih misli koje je izgovarao ill naplsao
u poslednjoj decenijl — u raznlm predava-njlm- a,
Intervjuima, istupanjima na simpo-zijumim- a
I slifinim skupovlma.
Pravo' je Dobrlce Cosl6a da razmlSIja i
prosuduje o 2ivotu i svetu koji ga okruzuje;
njegovo Je iifino I prlvatno pravo da strep),
sumnja i strahuje; njegovo je pravo I da ta
svoja osedanja i videnja transponuje u
svoj I m llterarnlm i publlcistlCklm dellma.
To pravo mu niko nikada nije ni prikracl-va- o.
MedUtim, Cosic prevazilazi okvire
sloboda I odgovomostl kada svoje rezlgna-clj- e
i politi6ko-filosofsk- e "medltacije" zell
da nametne kao opsta raspolozenja i Jedlne
istine.
Zato se I necemo baviti Cosl6evom "be-sedo- m"
o epohalnlm zadaclma knjlzevnos-tl,
o "tragifinoj umetnosti", 0 sudblni civili-zaci- je
koja nastaje, o "paradoksima пабе
epohe", o ljudskoj tragicl uopSte, 0 istorlji
1 njenoj knjlzevnoj transpozlcljl. NaSu
paznju prlvla6e pISCeva razmiSljanja 0 dva
poslednja rata, o sudblni srpskog naroda u
njima i, naro&ito, 0 ostvarivanju ideala
revoluclje; utoliko pre sto ih je Izneo u
vreme danaSnje, na javnom I ozbiljnom
mestu, tamo gde se ne bl smelo govoriti I
prosudlvati bez osecanja odgovomostl za
javnu геб I za istorijsku Istlnu. Jer, javna
re6 Izrefiena u Akademlji, I pred uglednlm
audltorijumom, nlje Isto Sto i геб za kafan-ski- m
stolom; ona po svojoj tezinl I гпабе-nj- u
prevazilazi nivo improvizovanlh filosof-ski- h
meditacija i polltlkantsklh fraza,
pauSalnih osporavanja I kritika, koje smo
navikll od Istog autora da sluSamo I бНа-m- o,
odavno ve6, po raznim 6asopislma i
listidlma, na (ne) fllosofsklm skupovima I
triblnama.
0 "sudblni srpskog naroda"
U svojoj "besedi" Cosl6 umuje o.lstorljl I
ljudskoj tragicl uopSte, pa I 0 Istorlji
srpskog naroda I njegovoj sudblni u proS-li- m ratovlma. Njegova razmiSljanja svode
se na mitska suprotstavljanja dobra I zla,
cmog i belog; dosledno tome on ne razll-kuj- e
borbe I pobede srpskog naroda u
prvom I drugom svetskom ratu. Sve svodl
na jedno: u ratove se poSlo radi ispunjenja
nada. Kakvih I fiijlh — Cosl6 to ne kale. Ne
spomlnje klasno-socijain- u I Idejnu suStlnu
ratovanja, motive I clljeve borenja I posle-dic- e
njlhovlh Ishodifita; on samo vldi stra-dan- ja
bez cllja I smisla, vldl ogromne
napore i irtve, bez rezultata. Po njemu je
srpskl narod najvlfie krvarlo, all je bio varan
I prevaren u svim ratovlma, a to 6e re6i i u
poslednjem kada je izveo nacionalno-oslo-bodfla6k- u
i socljalnu revoluciju.
Evo sta Соз1б kaie: "Bice da u Evropl
nema naroda koji se u poslednja dva veka,
a пагобИо u dvadesetom tollko zaloilo na
poslovlma Istorlje, toliko zrtvovao za oslo-bodila6kevcllj- eve Ivelike promene uslova
svog postojanja, koliko je to б1п!о srpski
narod... 06evi I slnovi dva puta okrenull su
istoriju, svojom voljom I u smerovlma Koji-ma- se
izlazllo iz njenih obala. Nezadovoljni
slnovi, s clljem da promene svet, ustali su
protiv nesrednlh I razo6aranih o6eva..." —
a zatim dodaje: "all su I slnovlma kao I
o6evima Izvesne pobede na bojIStlma bile
zaludne... jer smisao nekih oslobodilatklh
borenja I pobeda na bojIStima ovog veka
рогебеп je u miru; mlr je shvaben kao prlll-k- a
da se pod raznim prividima ostvaruju
razllCite namere u Ime zajednl6kih intere-sa- ".
Cosld to sve govori, all izbegava da kaze
kojeu pobede bile zaludne I ko je to porl-ca- o
njihov smisao u miru. On govori sa
pijedestala istorijskog sudije i tvrdi da je
"srpski narod u dvadesetom veku (znaCU u
revoluciji; prim. V.M.)... blvao podesto
obmanjlyan..." Od kbga — to Cosjc пебе
otvoreno da kaie. On samo tvrdi, ne trude-6- 1
se da dokazuje, verovatno, svestan svoje
(i bilo 6ije druge) nemo6i da б!пјеп1сата
dokaze IstoVetnost motlva, clljeva I isho-dlSt- a
borbe srpskog naroda u prvom svet-skom
ratu i u narodnooslobodllaCkoj borbi
I revoluciji, i nakon njlh. CoskJ to ne moze
da dokaze i ne usuduje se da javno kaze,
Jer bi otkrio svoje naclonalistl6ke I politl-kants- ke
karte.
Medutim, plsac Istorljsklh romana treba-l- o
bl da zna da je srpski narod usao u prvl
svetskl rat sa teznjom da se oslobodl, a ne
da bl druge porobljavao I oslobadao; tako-d- o
bi trebalo da zna da Je taj Istl narod bio
uvu6en u Jedan Imperijalistldkl rat u kome
je srpska burzoazlja razvlla I zelela da
ostvarl svoje "morske apetite".
"Rat takve burzoaske drzave (Srbije ~
prim. V.M.) u celini — kako konstatuju
istorldarl Hrabak i Jankovid — no moie se
okvallfjkovati kao oslobodllafikl, бак nl kao
antllmperljallsti6ki, jer je takva drzava,
(Nastavak na st. 20)
run cquaiiiy 01
EQUALITY FOR ALL BASIS OF INTER-NATIONALI- TY RELATIONS
With its 21 million inhabitants,
Yugoslavia is an explicit example
of a multi-nation- al community.
One of the essential conditions of
its very existence, as well as of its
cohesion and stability, has there-fore
been the establishment and
continual development of full na-tional
equality, beginning with the
National Liberation War and revo-lution
during World War II and on
through the present construction
of a modern socialist state.
Slavs make up the majority of
this Balkan country. From this
derives its name, Yugoslavia, "Yu-go- "
meaning "south" and "Slavia"
"country of Slavs". Comprising
it are the following nations: Serbs
8.1 million, Croats 4.5 million,
Moslems (in the ethnic and not the
religious sense) 1.7 million, Slo-venes
1.6 million, Macedonians 1.2
million, and Montenegrins 0.5
million. The numerous other na-tionalities
include Albanians as the
most populous group with 1.3
million, Hungarians 470,000, Turks
128,000, Slovaks;83,000, followed
by Rumanians, Bulgarians, Ruthe-nian- s,
Czechs, Italians, and so on..
The term "national minority" has
been discarded and replaced by the
word "nationality" to underline the
full equality they enjoy.
According to the Yugoslav Con-stitution,
all nations and nationa-lities,
regardless of size, have the
same national rights in every
respect. Above all, this means the
use of their own language and
alphabet (the Roman and Cyrillic
alphabets are equally employed),
their own schools, cultural activi-ties,
publications and whatever
else reflects their national identity.
This is not only a constitutional
right but a constitutional guaran-tee
binding on all state, social,
economic, educational and other
organs and institutions.
The languages of its nations
(Serbo-Croatia- n or Croatian-Serbia- n,
Slovenian and Macedonian)
are officially in use throughout
Yugoslavia. In all federal affairs,
the three must be used, and none
can have priority. All documents
and other materials of the Assem-bly
(parliament) are published in
these languages and the procee-dings
of sessions are simultaneou-sly
translated into them. The same
is the case with other federal
bodies.
The languages of the nationa-lities
are also in official use in the
areas where they live, and are on a
footing of equality with the lang-uages
of the nations. For instance,
the Constitution of the Province of
Vojvodina (the northeastern part of
the country bordering on Hungary
and Romania) states that the
languages in official use, apart
from Serbo-Croatia- n, are Hun-garian,
Slovak, Rumanian and
Ruthenian, whereas in the Pro-vince
of Kosovo (bordering on
Albania) the Albanian and Turkish
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languages are equal with Serbo-Croatia- n
as official languages.
Every member of a nationality has
the right to use his own language
on ali official (and unofficial)
occasions — when dealing with
the authorities, in the courts, in
schools, in cultural activities.
The material conditions for the
exercise of these rights also been
guaranteed. To illustrate this, it
might be mentioned that in 1975
there were 1,538 nationality gram-mar
schools registered in Yugo-slavia,
with over 350,000 pupils;
210 technical schools and 78 high
schools, as well as universities
where the language of instruction
in Albanian and Hungarian. Teach-ing
and textbooks in the aforemen-tioned
schools are in the language
of the nationalities, whose pub-lishing
activities are also consi-derable.
Apart from others, there
are published in Yugoslavia one
daily newspaper each in Albanian,
Hungarian and Italian, a large
number of weekly newspapers, and
publications and books in all the
languages of the nationalities..
Television stations also regularly
emit daily programmes in these
languages.
In areas where the various natio-nalities
live, all official inscriptions
(names of institutions, schools
and enterprises) are bilingual, as
are signposts (place names, road
markers, and so on). This is true of
the entire area where a specific
nationality resides, and not just
individual places. Although some
towns may not have more than one
percent of a given nationality out
the total number of inhabitans,
sign inscriptions are still bilingual
because the entire area is taken
into account. No headcount is
applied.
The status of its federal units —
republics — is the most important
expression of full national equality
in Yugoslavia. These units rest on
the national principle and enjoy the'
status of sovereign states. The
Yugoslav Constitution defines and
guarantees the sovereignty and
equal rights of all six republics, as
well as of the two autonomous
provinces (both are part of the
Republic of Serbia, but, aside from
state sovereignty, enjoy all the
same rights as the republics).
Federal units have the same
rights and responsibilities in rela-tion
to the functioning of the fede-ration.
Irrespec!iv3 of size or
number of inhabitants, they are
equally represented in all federal
organs. Decisions at federal level
are arrived at by consultation and
consensus. Each nation and natio-nality
therefore has the right to its
own identity and development,
whereas relations between them —
free of domination by any one over
others — are harmonized in such a
way as to promote the unity of the
multinational community.
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